Please read/view and compare these various accounts and depictions of the Boston Massacre. In your analysis of these documents, address the following three (3) questions:1. Which written account (Patr

Please read/view and compare these various accounts and depictions of the Boston Massacre. In your analysis of these documents,


address the following




three (3) questions


:


1.


Which written account (Patriot or Loyalist) do you find more believable and why?


2. Based upon the written narratives and testimonies of the incident, how accurate do you believe the two depictions of the “Boston Massacre” (Henry Pelham’s and Paul Revere’s) are and why?


3. If you were an average colonist exposed to these various documents, would they have tipped the scale on your decision to rebel or stay loyal to the crown? Why?


Your responses to these three questions needs to total a minimum


length of TWO FULL PAGES.



Please remember to use specific details from these documents to support your arguments.

Please read/view and compare these various accounts and depictions of the Boston Massacre. In your analysis of these documents, address the following three (3) questions:1. Which written account (Patr
A series of primary documents pertaining to the Boston Massacre (March 5, 1770) 1. A Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre in Boston… In the days following the event, this pamphlet was written to provide the British Crown with the perspective of Bostonian Patriots on the March 5, 1770 “Horrid Massacre.” 2. A Fair Account of the Late Unhappy Disturbance at Boston in New England… This document provides a Loyalist perspective on the events in Boston surrounding March 5, 1770. 3. Henry Pelham’s “The Frui ts of Arbitrary Power, or the Bloody Massacre … ” This is considered to be the first artistic rendering of the Boston Massacre which unfortunately would not be the first to be printed and distributed. This resulted in not only considerable lost revenue for Henry Pelham, but a lost opportunity to be recognized as one of the most important early works of propaganda in the ensuing American Revolution. 4. Paul Revere’s “The Bloody Massacre … ” While certainly not the first effort to provide an illustration of the B oston Massacre (see Documents 3 and 5), Paul Revere’s depiction has gone down in history as one of the great pieces of propaganda art pertaining to the American Revolution. It garnered him 5. Letter f rom Henry Pelham to Paul Revere This letter written on March 29, 1770 pertains to the feud between former friends Henry Pelham and Paul Revere regarding their competing depictions of the Boston Massacre. 1. A Short NARRATIVE OF The horrid Massacre in BOSTON, PERPETRATED In the Evening of the Fifth Day of March, 1770, BY Soldiers of the XXIXth Regiment; WHICH WITH The XIVth Regiment Were then Quartered there WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE STATE OF THINGS PRIOR TO THAT CATASTROPHE Printed by Order of the Town of BOSTON, And Sold by EDES and GILL, in Queen -Street, and T. & J. FLEET, in Cornhill, 1770. For a digitized scan of the original publication (including all the depositions of witnesses referred to in the doc ument) please go to the following link through the Massachusetts Historical Society: Digitized Original Copy with Appendix of Depositions Boston, ss. At a Meeting of the Free -holders and the other Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, duly qualified and legally warned, in public Town -Meeting assembled at Faneuil -Hall, on Monday the 12th day of March , Anno Domini, 1770. THAT Article in the Warrant, for calling this Meeting, viz . “What Steps may be further necessary, for obtaining a particular Account of all Proceedings relative to the Massacre in King -Street on Monday Night last, that a full and just Representation may be made therefore,” was read, Whereupon, VOTED, That the Honorable James Bowdoin , Esq; Doctor Joseph Warren , and Samuel Pemberton , Esq; be a Committee for this important Business ; and they are desired to report as soon as may be. Attest. William Cooper, Town -Clerk . THE following Report, containing a Narrative of the late Massacre, is submitted to the Town . In the Name of the Committee, James Bowdoin AT the Town Meeting held on the 19th of March, 1770, by Adjournment . The aforementioned Report was Read a nd Considered, whereupon Voted Unanimously , That the same be accepted, and that it be immediately Printed, and the Committee are desired to transmit Copies thereof, as soon as possible to the following Gentlemen, viz. The Right Honorable Isaac Barré , Esq; one of his Majesty’s most Honorable Privy Council ; Thomas Pownall , Esq; late Governor of the Massachusetts ; William Bollan , Esq; Agent for his Majesty’s Council ; Dennys DeBerdt , Esq; Agent for the House of Representatives ; Benjamin Franklin , Esq; L.L.D . and Barlow Trecothick , Esq; a Member of Parliament for the City of London. Attest . William Cooper, Town -Clerk . A short Narrative of the horrid Massacre in Boston , perpetrated in the Even ing of the Fifth Day of March, 1770, by Soldiers of the XXIXth Re gimen t ; which with the XIVth Regi ment we re then quartered there: with some Observations on the State of Things prior to that Catastrophe. IT may be a p roper introduction to this nar rative, briefly to represent the state of things for some tim e previous to the said massacre: And this s eems necessary in order to the forming a just idea of the causes of it. At the end of the late war, in which this Province bore so distinguished a part, a happy union subsisted between Great -Britain and the Colonies. This was unfortunately interrupted by the Stamp -Ac t : but it was in some measure restored by the Rep eal of it. It was again in terrupted by other acts of parliament for taxing America ; and by the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, in pursuance of an act, w hich by the face of it was made for the relief and encouragement of commerce, but which in it’s operation, it wa s apprehended, would have, and it has in fact had, a contrary effect. By the said act the said Comissioners were “ to be resident in some convenient part of his Majesty’s dominions in America”. — This must be understood to be in some part convenient for the whole — But it does not appear, that in fixing the place of their residence, the convenience of the whole was at all consulted , for Boston being very far from the centre of the colonies, could not be the place most convenient for the whole. — Judging by the act, it may seem this town was intended to be favoured, by the Commissioners being appointed to reside here; and that the consequence of that residence would be the relief and encouragement of commerce : but the reverse has been the constant and uniform effect of it : So that the commerce of the town, from the embarrassments in which it has been lately involved, is greatly red uced. For the particulars on this head, see the state of the trade not long since drawn up and transmitted to England by a committee of the merchants of Boston. The residence of the Commisssioners here, has been detrimental, not only to the commerce, but to the political interests of the town and province; and not only so, but we can trace from it the causes of the late horrid massacre. Soon after their arrival here in November 1767, instead of confining themselves to the proper business of their office, t hey became partizans of Governor Bernard in his political schemes ; and had the weakness and temerity to infringe upon one of the most essential rights of the house of commons of this province — that of giving their votes with freedom, and not being accou ntable therefor but to their constituents. One of the members of that house Capt. Timothy Folgier, having voted in some affair contrary to the mind of the said Commissioners, was for so doing dismissed from the office he held under them. These proceedings of theirs, the difficulty of access to them on office -business, and a superci lious behavior, rendered them disgustful to people in gener al, who in consequence thereof treated them w ith neglect. This probably stimulated them to resent it: and to make their resentment felt, they and t heir coadjutor, Gover nor Bernard, ma de such representations to his Majesty’s ministers a s they thought best calculated to bring the disp leasure of the nation upon the town and province: and in order that those re presentations mi ght have the more we ight, they are said to have contrived, and executed plans for exciting d isturbances and tumults, which otherwise would probably never have existed; and when excit ed, to have transmitted to the ministry the most exaggerated accounts of t hem. These particulars of their conduct his Majesty’s Council of this pr ovince have fully laid open in their proceeding in council, and in their address to General Ga ge, in July and October 1768; and in their lett er to Lord Hillsborough of the 15th of Apr il, 1769 . — Unfortunately for us, they have been too successful in their said repre sentations, which , in conjunction with Governor Bernard’s, have occasioned his Majesty’s faithful subjects of this town and province to be treated as enemies and rebels, by an invasion of the town by sea and land: to which the approaches were made with all the circumspection, usual where a vigorous opposition is expected. While the town was surrounded by a considerable number of his Majesty’s ships of war, two regiments land ed and took possession of it; and to support these, two other regiments arrived some time after from Ireland: one of which landed at Castle Island, and the other in the town. Thus were we, in aggravation of our other embarrassments, embarrassed with troops, forced upon us contrary to our inclination — contrary to the spirit of Magna Charta, — contrary to the very letter of the Bill of Rights, in which it is declared, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with the consent of parliament, is against law — and without the desire of the civil magistrates, to aid whom was the pretence for sending the troops hither: who were qu artered in the town in direct violation of an act of parliament for quartering troops in America: and all this in consequence of the representations of the said Commissioners and the said Governor, as appears by their memorials and letters lately published . As they were the procuring cause of troops being sent hither, they must therefore be the remote and a blameable cause of all the disturbances and bloodshed that have taken place in consequence of that Measure. But we shall leave them to their own refle ctions, after ob serving, that as they had some months before th e arrival of the troops, under pretence of safety to their persons, retired from town to the Castl e, so after the arrival of the troops, and their being quart ered in the town, they thought prop er to return: having answered, as they doubtless thought, the purpose of their voluntary flight. We shall nex t attend to the conduct of the troops, and to some circumstances relative to them. — Governor Bernard wi thout consulting the Council, havi ng give n up the State -house to the troops at their landing, they took possession of the chambers, wh ere the representatives of the province and the courts of law held their meetings; and (except the council -chamber) of all other parts of that house: in which they continued a considerable time, to the great annoyance of those courts while they sat, and of the merchants and gentlemen of the town, who had always made the low er floor of it their exchange. They had a right so to do, as the property of it was in the tow n: but they were deprived of that right by meer power. The said Governor soon after, by every stratagem and by every method, but a forcibly entry, endeavored to get possession of the manufactory -house, to make a barrack of it for the troops: and for that purpose caused it to be besieged by the troops, and the people in it to be used very cruelly; which extraordinary proceedings created universal uneasiness, arising from the apprehension; that the troops under the influence of such a man would be employed to effect the most dangerous purposes; but failing of that, other houses were procured, in which, contrary to act of parliament, he caused the troops to be quartered. After their quarters were settled, the main guard was posted at one of the said houses, dir ectly opposite to, and not twelve yards from, the State -house, (where the General Court, and all the Law courts for the county were held), with two field pieces pointed to the State -house. This situation of the main guard and field pieces seemed to indicat e an attack upon the constitution, and a defiance of law; and to be intended to affront the legislative and executive authority of the province. The General Court, at the first Session after the arrival of the troops, viewed it in this light, and applied t o Governor Bernard to cause such a nuisance to be removed; but to no purpose. Disgusted at such an indignity, and at the appearance of being under duresse, they refused to do business in such circumstances; and in consequence thereof were adjourned to Camb ridge, to the great inconvenience of the members. Besides this, the challenging the inhabitants by centinels posted in all parts of the town before the lodgings of officers, which (for about six months, while it lasted), occasioned many quarrels and uneasi ness. — Capt. Wilson’s , of the 59th, exciting the ne groes of the t own to take away their masters lives and proper ty, and repair to the army for protection, which was fully proved against him. — The attack of a party of soldiers on some of the magistrates of the town – the repeated res cues of soldiers fr om peace officers – the firing of a loaded musket in a public street, to the endangering a g reat number of peaceable inhab itants — the f requent wounding of persons by their bayonets and cutlasses, and the n umerous instances of bad behavior in the soldiery, made us early sens ible, that the troops were not sent here for any benefit to the town or pro vince, and that we had no good to expect from such conservators of the peace. 1 It was not expected however, tha t such an outrage and mas sacre, as happened here on the evening of the fifth instant, would have been perpetrated. Th ere were then killed and wound ed, by a dischar ge of musquetry, eleven of his Majesty’s subjects, viz. Mr. Samuel Gray, killed on the spot by a ball entering his head. Crispus Attucks, a mulatto, killed on the spot, two balls entering his breast. Mr. James Ca ldwell, killed on the spot, by two balls entering his back. Mr. Samuel Maverick, a youth of seventeen years of age, mortally wounded: he died the next morning. Mr. Patrick Carr mortally wounded: he died the 14th instant. 1 The inhabitants, instead of maki ng application to the military officers on these occasions, chose rather to oppose the civii [civil] au thority and the laws of the la nd to such offenders; and had not the soldiery found means to evade legal punishments, it is more than probable their insolenc e would have received a check, and some of the most melancholy effects of it been prevented. Christopher Monk and John Clark, youths about seventeen years of age, dangerously wounded. It is apprehended they will die. Mr. Edward Payne, merchant, standing at h is door: wounded. Messi’rs. John Green, Robert Patterson, and David Parker: all dangerously wounded. The actors in this dreadful tragedy were a party of soldiers commanded by Capt. Preston of the 29th regiment: This party, including the Captain, consiste d of eight, who are all committed to goal. There are depositions in this affair which mention, that several guns were fired at the same time from the Custom -House; before which this shocking scene was exhibited. Into this matter inquisition is now making. — In the mean time it may be proper to insert here the substance of some of those depositions. Benjamin Frizell, on the evening of the 5th of March, having taken his station near the west corner of the Custom -house in Kingstreet , before and at the time of the soldiers firing their guns, declares (among other things) that the first discharge was only of one gun, the next of two guns, upon which he the deponent thinks he saw a man stumble: the third discharge was of three guns, upo n which he thinks he saw two men fall, and immediately after were discharged five guns, two of which were by soldiers on his right hand, the other three, as appeared to the deponent, were discharged from the balcony, or the chamber window of the CUSTOM -HOU SE, the flashes appearing on the left hand, and higher than the right hand flashes appeared to be, and of which the deponent was very sensible , altho’ his eyes were much turned to the soldiers, who were all on his right hand. Gillam Bass, being in King -street at the same time, declares that they (the party of soldiers from the main guard) posted themselves between the custom -house door and the west corner of it; and in a few minutes began to fire upon the people: Two or three of the flashes so high above t he rest, that he the deponent verily believes they must have come from the CUSTOM -HOUSE windows . Jeremiah Allen declares, that in the evening of the 5th day of March current, being at about nine o’clock in the front chamber in the house occupied by Col. Ingersoll in King -street, he heard some guns fired, which occasioned his going into the balcony of the said house. — That when he was in the said balcony in company with Mr. William Molineux jun’r. and John Simpson, he heard the discharge of four or five guns, the flashes of which appeared to be to the westward of the centry box, and immediately after, he the deponent heard two or three more guns and saw the flashes thereof from out of the house, now cal led the CUSTOM -HOUSE, as they evidently ap peared to him , and which he the said deponent at the same time declared to the aforesaid Moli neux and Simpson, being then near him, saying to them , (at the same time pointing his hand to wards the custom -house), there they are out of the custom -house . George Coster, be ing in King -street at the time above mentioned, d eclares that in five or six mi nutes after he sto pp ed, he heard the word of command given to the soldiers fire ; upon which one gun was fir ed, which did no execution, as the deponent obser ved, about half a minute after two guns, one o f which killed one Samuel Gray a ropemaker, the other a molatto man, between which two men the deponent stood, after this the deponent heard the discharge of four or five guns more, by th e soldiers ; immediately after which the depon ent heard the discharge of two guns or pistols, fro m an open window of the middle story of t he CUSTOM -HOUSE, near to the place where the sentry box is placed, and being but a small distance from the window, he heard the people from wi thin speak and laugh, and soon after saw the casement lowered down; after which the deponent assisted others in ca rrying o ff one of the corps [e] . Cato, a Neg ro man, servant to Tuthill Hub bart, Esq; delcar es, that on Monday evening the fifth of March current, on hearing the cry of fire, he ran into Kingstreet, where he saw a number of people assembled before the Custo m-House, that he stood near the sentry -box and saw the soldiers fire on the people, who stood in the middle of said street ; directly after which he saw two flashes of guns, one quick upon the other, from the chamber window of the CUSTOM -HOUSE; and that after the firing was all over, while the people were carrying away the dead and wounded, he saw the Custom -House door opened, and several soldiers (one of whom had a cutlass) go into the Custom -House and shut the door after them. Benjamin Andrews declares, that being desired by the committee of enquiry to take the ranges of the holes made by musquet balls, in two houses nearly opposite to the Custom -House, he finds the bullet hole in the entry door post of Mr. Payne’s house (and whi ch graz’d the edge of the door, before it enter’d the post, where it lodged, two and a half inches deep) ranges just under the stool of the westernmost lower chamber window of the CUSTOM -HOUSE. Samuel Drowne, towards the end of his deposition (which conta ins a pretty full account of the proceedings of the soldiers on the evening of the 5th instant) declares, that he saw the flashes of two guns fired from the CUSTOM – HOUSE, one of which was out of a window of the chamber westward of the balcony, and the othe r from the balcony; the gun (which lie clearly discerned) being pointed through the ballisters, and the person who held the g un, in a stooping posture with drew himself in to the house, having a handker chief or some kind of cloth over his face. These deposi tions shew clearly that a number of guns were fired fro m the Custom -House. — As this affair is now enquiring into, all the no tice we shall take o f it is, that it distinguishes the actors in it into Street -Actors and House -Actors; which is necessary to be observed. What gave occasion to the melancholy e vent of that even ing seems to have been this. A difference h aving happened near Mr. Gray’s ropewalk, betw een a soldier and a man belong ing to it, the sol dier challenged the ropemakers to a boxing mat ch. The challenge was accepted by one of them, and the soldier worsted. He ran to the ba rrack in the neighborhood, and returned with several of his companions. The fray was renewed , and the soldiers were driven off. They soon r eturned with recruits and wer e again worsted. This happened several times, till at length a con siderable body of soldiers was collected, and they also were driven off, the ropemakers having been joined by their brethren of the contiguous ropewalks. By this time Mr. Gray being alarmed interposed, and with the assistance of some gentlemen prevented any further disturbance. To satisfy the soldiers and punish the man who had been the occasion of the first difference, and as an example to the rest, he turned him out of his service; and wait ed on Col. Dalrymple, the commanding officer of the troops, and with him concerted measures for preventing further mischief. Though t his affair ended thus, it m ade a strong impression on the minds of the so ldiers in general, who thought the honor of the regiment concerned to revenge those repeated r epulses. For this purpose they seem to have formed a combination to commit some outrage up on the inhabitants of the town indiscriminatel y; and this was to be done on the evening of the 5th instant or soon after: as appears by the de positions of the following per sons, viz. William Newh all declares, that on Thursday night the first of Ma rch instant, he met four soldi ers of the 29th regiment, and that he heard them say, there were a g reat many that would eat their dinners on Monday next, that should not eat any on Tuesday. Daniel Calfe d eclares, that on Saturday even ing the 3d of March a camp -woman, wife to James McDeed a grenadier of the 29th, came in to his father’s shop , and the people talking about the affrays a t the rope -walks, and blaming the soldiers for the part they had acted in it, the woman said, the soldiers were in the right; add ing, that before Tuesday or Wednesday night they would wet thei r swords or bayonets in New En gland people’s blood. Mary Brails ford declares, that on Sabbath evening the 4th of M arch instant a Soldier came to the house of Mr. Amos Thayer where she then was. He des iring to speak with Mr. Thayer was told by Mrs. Mary Thayer, that her brother was engaged, and could not be spoke with. He said, your brother as you call him, is a man I have a great regard for, and I came on purpose to tell him to keep in his house, for before Tuesday night next at Twelve o’clock, there will be a great deal of bloodshed, and a great many lives lost : and a dded, that he came out of a particular regard to her brother to advise him to keep in his house, for then he would be out of harm’s way. He said, your brother knows me very well: my name is Charles Malone. He then went away. — Of the same import, and in c onfirmation of this declaration, are the depositions of Mary Thayer and Asa Copeland, who both live with the said Mr. Thayer, and heard what the soldier said as abovementioned. It is also confirmed by the deposition of Nicholas Ferriter. Jane Usher declar es, that about 9 o’clock on Monday morning the 5th of March current, from a window she saw two persons in the habit of soldiers, one of whom being on horse back appeared to be an officer’s servant. The person on the horse first spoke to the other, but what he said, she is not able to say, though the window was open, and she not more than twenty feet distant: the other replied, He hoped he should see blood enough spilt before morning . Matthew Adams declares, that on monday evening the 5th of March instant b etween the hours of 7 and 8 o’clock, he went to the house of corporal Pershall of the 29th regiment, near Quaker -lane, where he saw the corporal and his wife, with one of the fifers of said regiment. When he had got what he went for, and was coming away, t he corporal called him back, and desired him with great earnestness to go home to his master’s house as soon as business was over, and not to be abroad on any account that night in particular, for the soldiers were determined to be revenged on the ropewalk people ; and that much mischief would be done . Upon which the fifer (about 18 or 19 years of age) said, he hoped in God they would burn the town down . On this he left the house, and the said corporal called after him again, and begged he would mind what he said to him. Caleb Swan declares, that on monday night the 5th of March instant, at the time of the bells ringing for fire, he heard a woman’s voic e whom he knew to be the supposed wife of one Montgomery, a grenadier of the 29th regiment, standing at her door, and heard her say, it was not fire; the town was too haughty and too proud; and that many of their arses would be laid low before the morning . Margaret Swansborough declares, that a free woman named Black Peg, who has kept much with the soldiers, on hearing the disturbance on monday evening the 5th instant said, the soldiers were not to be trod upon by the inhabitants, but would know before mor ning, whether they or the inhabitants were to be masters . Joseph Hooton, junr. declares, that coming from the Sout h-end of Boston on Monday even ing the 5th of March instant, against Dr. Sewall’s meeting he heard a great noise and tumult, with the cry of m urder often repeated. Proceeding towards the town -house he was passed by several soldiers running that way, with naked cutlasses and bayonets in their hands. He asked one of them what was the matter, and was answered by him, by God you shall all know what is the matter soon. Between 9 and 10 o’clock he went into King -street, and was present at the tragical scene exhibited near the Custom -house; as particularly set forth in his deposition. Mrs. Mary Russell declares, that John Brailsford a private soldier o f the fourteenth regiment, who had frequently been employed by her (when he was ordered with his company to the Castle, in consequence of the murders committed by the soldiers on the evening of the 5th of March) coming to the deponent’s house declared, tha t THEIR regiment were ORDERED to hold themselves in readiness, and accordingly was ready THAT EVENING, upon the inhabitants firing on the soldiery, to come to the assistance of the soldiery . On which she asked him, if he would have fired upon any of the in habitants of this town. To which he replied, yes, if he had orders: but that if he saw Mr. Russell, he would have fired wide of him. He also said, it’s well there was no gun fired by the Inhabitants, for had there been, WE should have come to the soldiers assistance . By the foregoing depositions it appears very clearly, there was a general combination among the soldiers of the 29th regiment at least, to commit some extraordinary act of violence upon the town ; that if the inhabitants attempted to repel it by firing even one gun upon those soldiers, the 14th regiment were ordered to be in readiness to assist them ; and that on the late butchery in King -street they actually were ready for that purpose, had a single gun been fired on the perpetrators of it. It appears by a variety of depositions, that on the same evening between the hours of six and half after nine (at which time the firing began) many persons, without the least provocation, were in various parts of the town, insulted and abused by parties of armed soldiers patrolling the streets: particularly — Mr. Robert Pierpont declares, that between the hours of 7 & 8 in the same evening, 3 armed soldiers passing him, one of them who had a bayonet gave him a back -handed stroke with it, on complaint of th is treatment he said the deponent should soon hear more of it, and threatened him very hard. Mr. Henry Bass declares, that at 9 o’clock a party of soldiers came out of Draper’s alley leading to and from Murray’s barracks, and they being armed with large n aked cutlasses, made at every body coming in their way, cutting and slashing, and that he himself very narrowly escaped receiving a cut from the foremost of them, who pursued him. Samuel Atwood, declares, that 10 or 12 soldiers armed with drawn cutlasses, bolted out of the alley leadi ng from Murray’s barracks into dock -square, a nd met the deponent, who asked them if they in tended to murder people? they answere d, yes, by God, root and branch; saying here is one o f them; with that one of them struck the depo nent with a club, which was re peated by anot her : the deponent being unarm ed turned to go o ff; and he received a wound on the left shoulder, which reached the bone, dis abled him, and gave him much pain. Having gone a few steps the deponent met two officers , and asked them , gentlemen, what is the matter? they answered, you will see by and by ; and as he passed by Col. Jackson’s he heard the cry , turn out the guards. Capt. James Kirkwood, declares, that about nine of the clock i n the evening of the fifth day of March cur rent, he was going by Murray’s barracks : hearing a noise he stopt at Mr. Rhoads’s Door, opposite the said barracks, where said Rhoads was sta nding, and stood some time and saw the soldie rs coming out of the yard from the barracks, arme d with cu tlasses and bayonets, and rushing thro’ Bo ylstone’s alley into cornhill, two officers, vi z. Lieuts. Minchin and Dickson came out of t he mess house, and said to the soldiers, my lads co me into the barracks and don’t hurt the inhabita nts, and then retir’d in to the mess house. So on after they came to the door again, and found the soldiers in the yard; and directly upon it, Ensign Mall came to the gate of the barrack yard and said to the soldiers, turn out, and I will stand by you; this he repeated frequently, adding, Kill them! stick them; knock them down; run your bayonets thro’ them , with a great deal of language of like import. Upon which a great number of soldiers came out of the barracks with naked cutlasses, headed by said Ma ll, and went thro’ the aforesaid alley; that some officers came & got the soldiers into their barracks, and that Mall, with his sword or cutlass drawn in his hand, as often had them out again , but were at last drove into their barracks by the afore -said Mi nchin and Dickson. Mr. Henry Rhoads’s declaration agrees with Capt. Kirkwood’s. Mr. Matthias King of Halifax in Nova Scotia, declares, that in the evening of the fifth day of March instant about nine of the clock, he was at his lodgings at Mrs. Torrey’s near the town pump, and heard the bells ring and the cry of fire; upon which he went to the door and saw several soldiers come round the south side of the town house, armed with bayonets, and something which he took to be broad swords; that one of those pe ople came up almost to him and Mr. Bartholomew Kneeland; and that they had bu

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