US History (1302)Analize 7 documents (one is a picture) and respond to 4 questions (each one between one to two pages)Check first the attached document below.Due date 12/1/2017Thanks

US History (1302)

Analize 7 documents (one is a picture) and respond to 4 questions (each one between one to two pages)

Check first the attached document below.

Due date 12/1/2017

Thanks

US History (1302)Analize 7 documents (one is a picture) and respond to 4 questions (each one between one to two pages)Check first the attached document below.Due date 12/1/2017Thanks
HIST 1302 This assignment has several documents for you to read and view in order to answer the four required questions. Please follow any formatting guidelines and minimum length requirements as set by your professor . Please take your time to analyze these documents and submit thoughtful ar guments supported by the evidence these documents provide . Documents : 1. Miss Columbia s School House (1894) 2. Emilio Aguinaldo Criticizes American Imperialism in the Philippines (1899) 3. Eisenhower addressing Little Rock situation (September 24, 1957) 4. Alcatraz Proclamation (November 1969) 5. The Soiling of Old Glory by Stanley Forman (April 5, 1976) 6. President Ronald Reagan Defends American Morality (1983) 7. Senator Barack Obamas A More Perfect Union Speech (March 18, 2008) Document 1 : Miss Columbias School House (1894 ) The caption for this cartoon read Please, Maam, May We Come In? with the male figure standing outside the gate representing Hawaii and the female figure representing Canada. Document 2: Emilio Aguinaldo Criticizes America n Imperialism in the Philippines (1899) As one of the principal leaders of Filipino i ndependence from Spain, Emilio Aguinaldo railed against American policies towards his people in this document published in North American Review in September 1899. We Filipinos have all along believed that if the American nation at large knew exactly, as we do, what is daily happening in the Philippine Islands, they would rise en masse, and demand that this barbaric war should stop. There are other methods of securing sovereignty the true and lasting sovereignty that has its foundation in the hearts of t he people. . . . And, did America recognize this fact, she would cease to be the laughing stock of other civilized nations, as she became when she abandoned her traditions and set up a double standard of government government by consent in America, gover nment by force in the Philippine Islands. . . . Politically speaking, we know that we are simply regarded as the means to an end. For the time being, we are crushed under the wheels of the modern political Juggernaut, but its wheels are not broad enough to crush us all. Perfidious Albion [Great Britain] is the prime mover in this dastardly business she at one side of the lever, America at the other, and the f ulcrum in the Philippines. Eng land has set her heart on the Anglo -American alliance. She is using America as a cat’s -paw. What she cannot obtain by force, she intends to secure by stratagem. Unknown to the great majority of the American people, she has taken the American gov ernment into her confidence, and sh own it “the glorious possibili ties of the Ea st.” The temptation has proved too strong. Now, in this, England is playing a double game, on the principle of “heads I win, tails you lose.” If America should win, all is well; England has her ally safely installed in the East, ready at her beck and call to oppose, hand in hand with her, the other powers in the dismemberment of the Orient. If America loses, she will be all the more solicitous to join in the Anglo -American alliance. The other powers stand by and see this political combination effected, whil e their plenipotentiaries gravely discuss, at the Hague, the theoretical aspects of universal peace, and are deaf to the wail of the widows and the or phans, and to the cry of an op presse d race struggling to be free. Su ch is “man’s inhumanity to man.” You have been deceived all along the line. You have been greatly deceived in the personality of my countrymen. You went to the Philippines under the impression that their inhabitants were ignorant savages, whom Spain had kept in subjection at the bayonet’s point. The Filipinos have been described in serious American journals as akin to the hordes of the Khalifa; and the idea has prevailed that it required only some unknown American Kitchener to march triumphantly from north to south to make the military occ upation complete. We have been represented by your popular press as if we were Africans or Mohawk Indians. We smile, and deplore the want of ethnological knowledge on the part of our literary friends. We are none of these. We are simply Filipinos. You know us now in part: you will know us better, I hope, by and by. Some clear -headed men in the United States Senate knew the facts; but, alas, genius and corre ct thinking are ever in the mi nority. I will not deny that there are savages in the Philippine Islan ds, if you designate by that name those who lead a nomad life, who do not pay tribute or acknowledge sovereignty to any one save their chief. For, let it be remembered, Spain held these islands for three hundred years, but never conquered more than one -qua rter of them, and that only superficially and chiefly by means of priest -craft. The Spaniards never professed to derive their just powers from the consent of those whom they attempted to govern. What they took by f orce, they lost by force at our hands; and you deceived yours elves when you bought a revolu tion for twenty million dollars, and entangled yourselves in inter national politics . . . . You imagined you had bought the Philippines and the Filipinos for this mess of pottage. Your imperialism led you, bl ind -fold, to purchase “sovereignty” from a third party who had no title to give you a confidence trick, certainly, very transparent; a bad bargain, and one we have had sufficient perspicuity and education to see through. In the struggle for liberty whi ch we have ever waged, the edu cation of the masses has been slow; but we are not, on that ac count, an uneducated people, as our records show . Your Sena tors, even, admit that our political documents are worthy of a place in the archives of any civilized nati on. It is the fittest and the best of our race who have survived the vile oppression of the Spanish Government, on the one hand, and of their priests on the other; and, had it not been for their tyrannous “sovereignty” and their execrable colonial methods, we would have been, ere this time, a power in the East, as our neighbors, the Japanese, have become by their industry and their modern educational methods. You repeat constantly the di ctum that we cannot govern our selves. Macaulay long ago exposed the fa llacy of this statement as regards colonies in general. With equal reason, you might have said the same thing some fifty or sixty years ago of Japan; and, little over a hundred years ago, it was extremely question able, when you, also, were rebels against t he English Government, if you could govern yourselves. You obtained the opportunity, thanks to political combinations and generous assistance at the critical moment. You passed with credit through the trying period when you had to make a beginning of gover ning yourselves, and you eventually succeeded in establishing a government on a republican basis, which, theoretical ly, is as good a system of gov ernment as needs be, as it fulfils the just ideals and aspirations of the human race. Now, the moral of all this obviously is: Give us the chance; treat us exactly as you demanded to be treated at the hands of England, when you rebelled against her autocratic methods. Deal only with facts in a rational an d consistent way. Leave empiri cism alone, and address your selves s eriously to the work of seek ing the solution that shall be honorable to both parties. We know all the wire -pullers who are at work. We can tell you far more than you know; for we kn ow our country and our country men, their past history, and what is necessary for their future good. Now, here is an unique spectacle the Filipinos fighting for liberty, the American people fighting them to give them liberty. The two peoples are fighting on parallel lines for the same object. We know that parallel lines never meet. Let us look back to dis cover the point at which the lines separated and the causes of the separation, so that we may estimate the possibility of one or the other or both being turned inwards so that they shall meet again. You declared war wit h Spain for the sake of Humanity. You announced to the world that your programme was to set Cuba free, in conformity with your constitutional principles. One of your ablest officials gave it as his opinion that the Filipinos were far more competent to gove rn themselves than the Cuban people were. You entered into an alliance with our chiefs at Hong Kong and at Singapore, and yo u promised us your aid and pro tection in our attempt to form a government on the principles and after the model of the government o f the United States. Thereupon you sent a powerful fleet to Manila and demolished the old Spanish hulks, striking terror into the hearts of the Spanish garrison in Manila. In combination with our forces, you c om pelled Spain to surrender, and you proclaimed that you held the city, port and bay of Manila until such time as you should deter mine what you meant by the word “control,” as applied to the rest of the islands. By some mys terious process, heretofore un known to civilized nations, you resolved “control” into “sover eignty,” on the pretense that what is paid for is “possession,” no matter what the quality of the title may be. Let us go into details. You went to Manila under a distinct understanding with us, fully recognized by Admiral Dewey, that your obj ect and ours was a c ommon one. We were your accept ed allies; we assisted you at all points. We besieged Manila, and we prevented the Spaniards from leaving the fortified town. We captured all the provinces of Luzon. We received arms from you. Our chiefs we re in constant touch with your naval authori ties. Your consuls vied with eac h other in their efforts to ar range matters according to the p romise made to us by your offi cials. We hailed you as the long -prayed -for Messiah. Joy abounded in every heart, and a ll went well, with Admiral George Dewey as our guide and friend, until the arrival of General Merritt. Either on his own responsibility, or by orders from the Government at Washington, this general substituted his policy for that of Admiral Dewey, commenci ng by ignoring all promises that had been made and ending by ignoring the Philip pine people, their personality and rights, and treating them as a common enemy. Never has a greater mista ke been made in the entire his tory of the nations. Here yo u had a peop le who placed them selves at your feet, who welcomed you as their savior, who wished you to govern them and protect them. In combination with the genius of our countrymen and their local knowledge, you would have transformed the Philippine Islands from a la nd of despot ism, of vicious governmental methods and priestcraft, into an enlightened republic, with America as its guide a happy and contented people and that in the short space of a few months, without the sacrifice of a single American life. The mea ns were there, and it only required the magic of a master -hand to guide them, as your ships were guided into Manila Bay. . . . You have been deceived from the beginning, and deception is the order of the day. You continue to deceive yourselves by the thoug ht that once the military powe r is established in the Philip pines, the rest is a matter for politicians. Verily you are falling into the pit you have dug for your selves. Your officials and gen erals have broken their promises with our countrymen over and ov er again. Your atrocious cruelties are equalled only by those of Spain. You take into your confiden ce the odious reptiles of Span ish pries tcraft. . . In the face of the world you emblazon Humanity and Liberty upon your standard, while you cast your political constitution to the winds and attempt to trample down and exterminate a brave people whose only crime is that they are fighting for their liberty. You ask my countrymen to believe in you, to trust you, and you assure them that, if they do so, all will be well. But your action is on a plane with the trick which the vulgar charlatan at a country fair plays upon the unwary with three cards and an empty box. You will never conquer the Philippine Islands by force alone. How many soldiers in excess of the regular army do you mean to leave in every town, in every p rovince? How many will the cli mate claim as its victims, apart from those who may fall in actual warfare? What do the American people, who have thousands of acres yet unfilled, want with the Philippines? Have you figured up the cost? The conclusion of the whole matter is this: You were duped at the beginning. You took a wro ng step, and you had not suffi cient moral courage to retrace it. You must begin by conquer ing the hearts of the Philippine people. Be absolutely just, and you can lead them with a silken cord where chains of steel will not drag them. We excuse your want of knowledge in the past, for you have had no experience in treating with our people; but retrieve your mistake now, while there is time. The man, next to Gen. Merritt, who has misled you, and who is responsible fo r the continuance of this barbarous warfare, is General Otis. Had he allowed th e Peace Commission to act inde pendently, a modus vivendi would probably have been arrived at. But this question of sovereignty why, such a transparent farce has never before b een flouted before an intelligent people and the world in general. Can you wonder our people mistrust you and your empirical methods? The y do not even regard you as be ing serious a nation which professes to derive its just power of government from the co nsent of the governed. “Lay down your arms,” you say. Did you lay down your arms when you, too, were rebels, and the English under good King George demanded your submission? How in the name of all that is serious do you demand that we shall do what you, b eing rebels, refused to do? Therefore, we Filipinos say: “Recall Gen. Otis, give the Peace Commission a free hand, t ry rather methods of fair deal ing, make our countrymen believe that you are sincere, and be sincere and just in your dealings with them. Su spend the order for these rabble volunteers, the scum of your country, whom you propose to send across the sea to die of the effect of the climate, and you will find you can do more in a month than you will do by force in twenty years. Your scheme of milit ary occupation has been a miserable failure. You have gained practically nothing. With General Otis, or without him, you will have to commence at the beginning again. Our forces are manufacturing thousands of cartridges and other improved means to continue the struggle, and it will continue until you are convinced of your error.” Our friend, Admiral Dewey, will undoubtedly have something to say to your President when he reaches home. He caught the genius of the Philippine people, and if he had been left al one many valuable lives would have been spared and many millions of treasure saved. Be convinced, the Philippines are for the Filipinos. We are a virile race. We have never assimilated with our former oppressors, and we are not likely to assimilate with yo u. Document 3 : President Eisenhowers Little Rock Address (September 24, 1957 ) Please watch the complete address HERE or at the following url: http://www.c -span.org/video/?15186 -1/eisenhower -speech -little -rock Printed below are key excerpts from the speech Good Evening, My Fellow Citizens: For a few minutes this evening I want to speak to you about the serious situation that has arisen in Little Rock. To make this talk I have come to the President’s office in the White House. I could have spoken from Rhode Island, where I have been staying rece ntly, but I felt that, in speaking from the house of Lincoln, of Jackson and of Wilson, my words would better convey both the sadness I feel in the action I was compelled today to take and the firmness with which I intend to pursue this course until the or ders of the Federal Court at Little Rock can be executed without unlawful interference. In that city, under the leadership of demagogic extremists, disorderly mobs have deliberately prevented the carrying out of proper orders from a Federal Court. Local a uthorities have not eliminated that violent opposition and, under the law, I yesterday issued a Proclamation calling upon the mob to disperse. This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpos e of again preventing the carrying out of the Court’s order relating to the admission of Negro children to that school. Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal Government to us e its powers and authority to uphold Federal Courts, the President’s responsibility is inescapable. In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued an Executive Order directing the use of troops under Federal authority to aid in the execution o f Federal law at Little Rock, Arkansas. This became necessary when my Proclamation of yesterday was not observed, and the obstruction of justice still continues. It is important that the reasons for my action be understood by all our citizens. As you know , the Supreme Court of the United States has decided that separate public educational facilities for the races are inherently unequal and therefore compulsory school segregation laws are unconstitutional. Our personal opinions about the decision have no b earing on the matter of enforcement; the responsibility and authority of the Supreme Court to interpret the Constitution are very clear. Local Federal Courts were instructed by the Supreme Court to issue such orders and decrees as might be necessary to ach ieve admission to public schools without regard to race -and with all deliberate speed. During the past several years, many communities in our Southern States have instituted public school plans for gradual progress in the enrollment and attendance of scho ol children of all races in order to bring themselves into compliance with the law of the land. They thus demonstrated to the world that we are a nation in which laws, not men, are supreme. I regret to say that this truth – the cornerstone of our liberti es – was not observed in this instance. It was my hope that this localized situation would be brought under control by city and State authorities. If the use of local police powers had been sufficient, our traditional method of leaving the problems in tho se hands would have been pursued. But when large gatherings of obstructionists made it impossible for the decrees of the Court to be carried out, both the law and the national interest demanded that the President take action . . . . The very basis of our i ndividual rights and freedoms rests upon the certainty that the President and the Executive Branch of Government will support and insure the carrying out of the decisions of the Federal Courts, even, when necessary with all the means at the President’s com mand. Unless the President did so, anarchy would result. There would be no security for any except that which each one of us could provide for himself. The interest of the nation in the proper fulfillment of the law’s requirements cannot yield to opposition and demonstrations by some few persons. Mob rule cannot be allowed to override the decisions of our courts . . . . A foundation of our American way of life is our national respect for law. In the South, as elsewhere, citizens are keenly aware of the tremendous disservice that has been done to the people of Arkansas in the eyes of the nation, and that has been done to the nation in the eyes of the world. At a time when we face grave situations abroad because of the hatred that Communism bears toward a system of government based on human rights, it would be difficult to exaggerate the harm that is being done to the pres tige and influence, and indeed to the safety, of our nation and the world. Our enemies are gloating over this incident and using it everywhere to misrepresent our whole nation. We are portrayed as a violator of those standards of conduct which the peoples of the world united to proclaim in the Charter of the United Nations. There they affirmed “faith in fundamental human rights” and “in dignity and worth of the human person” and they did so “without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.” And so, with deep confidence, I call upon the citizens of the State of Arkansas to assist in bringing to an immediate end all interference with the law and its processes. If resistance to the Federal Court orders ceases at once, the further presence of Federal troops will be unnecessary and the City of Little Rock will return to its normal habits of peace and order and a blot upon the fair name and high honor of our nation in the world will be removed. Thus will be restored the image of America and of all its parts as one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. Good night, and thank you very much. Document 4 : Alcatraz Proclamation (November 1969 ) From November 20, 1969 until June 11, 1971, Alcatraz Island was occupied by a Native American rights group called Indians of All Tribes. Alcatraz Penitentiary was closed in 1963 and the U.S. Government had declared the island as surplus federal property. Indians of All Tribes claimed the island by citing the Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) between the U nited States and the Sioux. The treaty returned to Native peoples all retired, abandoned and out -of use federal lands. Between 1964 and 1969, several small sca le attempts were made to claim Alcatraz on behalf of native peoples. On November 20, 1969, 79 members of Indians of All Tribes managed to land on Alcatraz despite a Coast Guard blockade and issued the following proclamation: Proclamation to the Great White Father and All His People We, the native Americans, re -claim the land known as Alcatraz Island in the name of all American Indians by right of discovery. We wish to be fair and honorable in our dealings with the Caucasian inhabitants of this land, and hereby offer the following treaty: We will purchase said Alcatraz Island for twenty -four dollars ($24) in glass beads and red cloth, a precedent set by the white man’s purchase of a similar island about 300 years ago. We know that $24 in trade goods fo r these 16 acres is more than was paid when Manhattan Island was sold, but we know that land values have risen over the years. Our offer of $1.24 per acre is greater than the 47¢ per acre that the white men are now paying the California Indians for their land. We will give to the inhabitants of this island a portion of that land for their own, to be held in trust by the American Indian Affairs [sic] and by the bureau of Caucasian Affairs to hold in perpetuity for as long as the sun shall rise and the rivers go down to the sea. We will further guide the inhabitants in the proper way of living. We will offer them our religion, our education, our life -ways, in order to help them achieve our level of civilization and thus raise them and all their white brothers up from their savage and unhappy state. We offer this treaty in good faith and wish to be fair and honorable in our dealings with all white men. We feel that this so -called Alcatraz Island is more than suitable for an Indian Reservation, as determined by t he white man’s own standards. By this we mean that this place resembles most Indian reservations in that: 1. It is isolated from modern facilities, and without adequate means of transportation. 2. It has no fresh running water. 3. It has inadequate sanita tion facilities. 4. There are no oil or mineral rights. 5. There is no industry and so unemployment is very great. 6. There are no health care facilities. 7. The soil is rocky and non -productive; and the land does not support game. 8. There are no educatio nal facilities. 9. The population has always exceeded the land base. 10. The population has always been held as prisoners and kept dependent upon others. Further, it would be fitting and symbolic that ships from all over the world, entering the Golden Gate , would first see Indian land, and thus be reminded of the true history of this nation. This tiny island would be a symbol of the great lands once ruled by free and noble Indians. Document 5 : The Soiling of Old Glory by Stanley Forman (April 5, 1976 ) In 1965, Massachusetts passed the Racial Imbalance Act that required school districts to desegregate or risk losing state funding. In 1974, federal judge Wendell A. Garrity Jr. ordered a compulsory busing program in Boston that required white and black sch ool children to be bused throughout the district to finally bring about desegregation. While Garritys ruling would eventually be upheld by the Supreme Court, racial tensions immediately boiled over in the streets of Boston. This photograph was taken as Th eodore Landsmark, simply walking to Boston City Hall, was attacked by a group of white anti -busing protesters, including Joseph Rakes who attempted to assault him with an American flag. Document 6: President Ronald Reagan Defends American Morality ( 1983) Known as The Great Communicator, Ronald Reagan addressed a meeting of the National Association of American Evangelicals in 1983 to articulate his belief in Americas moral righteousness, particularly in relation to the Cold War . Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida (March 8, 1983 ) Reverend clergy all, Senator Hawkins, distinguished members of the Florida congressional delegation, and all of you: I can’t tell you how you have warmed my heart with your welcome. I’m delighted to be here today. Those of you in the National Association o f Evangelicals are known for your spiritual and humanitarian work. And I would be especially remiss if I didn’t discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude. Thank you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many ways. An d believe me, for us they’ve made all the difference. . . . So, I tell you there are a great many God -fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And, yes, we need your help to keep us ever mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself, is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers o nly where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted. The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by William Penn when he said: “If we will not be governed by God, we must be governed by tyrants.” Explaining the inalienable rights of men, Jefferson said, “The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time.” And it was George Washington who said that “of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.” And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently after he had gone on a search for the secret of America’s greatness an d genius — and he said: “Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of America. . . . America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good, America will ce ase to be great.” Well, I’m pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work and prayers and those of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man. I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities — the institutio ns that foster and nourish values like concern for others and respect for the rule of law under God. Now, I don’t have to tell you that this puts us in opposition to, or at least out of step with, a prevailing attitude of many who have turned to a modern -day secularism, discarding the tried and time -tested values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well intentioned, their value system is radically different from that of most Americans. And while they proclaim that they’re freeing us fro m superstitions of the past, they’ve taken upon themselves the job of superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority. An example of that vocal superiority is evident in a co ntroversy now going on in Washington. And since I’m involved, I’ve been waiting to hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go in giving to government their prerogatives as parents? Let me state the case as briefly and simply as I can. An organization of citizens, sincerely motivated and deeply concerned about the increase in illegitimate births and abortions involving girls well below the age of consent, sometime ago established a nationwide network of clinics to offer help to th ese girls and, hopefully, alleviate this situation. Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their well -intentioned effort, these clinics have decided to provide advice and birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without t he knowledge of their parents. For some years now, the Federal Government has helped with funds to subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed that every effort would be made to maximize parental participation. Nevertheless, the dr ugs and devices are prescribed without getting parental consent or giving notification after they’ve done so. Girls termed “sexually active” — and that has replaced the word “promiscuous” — are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate birth o r abortion. Well, we have ordered clinics receiving Federal funds to notify the parents such help has been given. One of the Nation’s leading newspapers has created the term “squeal rule” in editorializing against us for doing this, and we’re being criti cized for violating the privacy of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an enforcement of our rule. I’ve watched TV panel shows discuss this issue, seen columnists pontificating on our error, but no one seems to mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex. Is all of Judeo -Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely physical thing with no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn’t it the parents’ right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from making mistakes that may affect their entire lives? Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about this intrusion in their family by government. We’re going to fight in the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take precedence over those of Washington -based bureaucrats and social engineers. But the fight against parental notification is really only one example of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate the original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our Founding Fathers passed the first amendment, they sought to protect churches from government inter ference. They never intended to construct a wall of hostility between government and the concept of religious belief itself. The evidence of th